Regional
Development Disparities in Sri Lanka
By Priyanga Dunusinghe
Article published in Ceylon Today
Regional
development disparities
One of the main
development challenges faced by developing countries is how to address
development disparities within the economy. Sri Lanka is not an exception. A
number of studies as well as the published data have shown that a sizeable
level of disparities exist across provinces in Sri Lanka. Nevertheless,
compared to the early years in 2000, Sri Lanka has been able to narrow down
regional disparities to some extent though it is not up to the satisfactory
level. Table 1 report Gross Domestic Product (GDP) related data by sector and
province wise for the years of 2004, 2008, and 2012. By 2000, provinces such as
Sabaragamuwa, Uva, and North-Central were predominantlyagri-based economies
whereas the Western province showed all the characteristics of a modern economy
(a higher services sector GDP share). Over the years, agriculture share in
provincial GDP in those provinces has declined, yet, even by 2012, over
one-fifth of provincial GDP is derived from the agriculture sector in Uva and
Northern provinces. Higher share of agriculture output in provincial GDP
suggests that over 60 to 70 per cent of the total workforce engages in
agriculture related activities in provinces such as Sabaragamuwa, Uva, Eastern,
Northern, and Noth-Central thereby recording relatively higher level of poverty
in those regions. For instance, according to Household Income & Expenditure
Survey (HIES) 2012/13, poverty in Monaragala is 20.2 per cent whereas in Batticaloa,
it is 19.4 perecnt while national poverty level reaching 6.7 per cent. As
officials often highlighted, the share of the Western provinces in total GDP
has declined from 51 per cent in 2004 to 43 per cent in 2012 indicating that
previously underdeveloped regions made some gains during 2004-2012. In many
provinces, the shares of industry and services sectors output increased
reflecting provinces gradually moving away from agriculture. Between the two
years, 2004-2012, GDP shares of all the provinces, other than the Western and
Sabaragamuwa, increased though the increase is not uniform. It is quite surprising
that the share of Sabaragamuwa province in total GDP remains intact during 2004-2012
period thereby needing some attention for injecting some dynamism. Relative position
in terms of GDP per capita has declined in Sabaragamuwa indicating that an average
person in Sabaragamuwa is poorer, compared to national average, now compared to
his position in 2004 (see Table 1).
Sri Lanka has witnessed
some progress with regard to regional convergence when looking at GDP figures;
yet, there is a significant difference between the economic life in the Western
province and that of the most of the other provinces. In terms of access to
better education, health, transport, and access to decent jobs, there is a wide
gap between the Western province and the other provinces. Similarly, level of
malnutrition, share of underweighted children, school drop outs remained high
in most provinces compared to the Western Provinces and Central Provinces.
Share of O/L and A/L passed students and those who received university entrance
remained relative low in most of the underdeveloped provinces. All in all,
regional development disparities are very visible when one moves out of the
Western Province regardless of it gets narrowing down in GDP numbers.
Why
do regional disparities matter?
Economic theory argues that
it is natural that different regions grow at a different rate due to endowment
of productive resources and institutional differentials in regions. However,
neoclassical economic theory assumes that such growth differentials fade away
in a speedy manner because economic agents are driven by profit motives. Yet,
the reality is that regional disparities do exist. What are the consequences of
regional disparities?
There are a number of
consequences due to high and increasing regional development disparities in a
country. Most serious among them is the social unrest. People in underdeveloped
regions may feel that they are deprived from the main stream development and
they display their dissatisfaction in various forms. In most cases, relative
deprivation in development may combine with some religious or racial grievances
and culmination of anger leads to religious and/or racial tensions. Literature
of economics of civil wars often highlight above factor as one of the reasons
that led to some of the long-drawn civil wars.
Similarly, regional
development disparities also could result in heavy flow of migrant people to
urban centers which in turn getting congested excessively. Most migrants then
join the urban informal sector for living, and some time ending up in carrying
out illegal businesses. Similarly, there is a heavy costs due to overuse of
public provisions such as roads, health facilities, schools, and other public
utilities. For instance, currently the Western province rooms for nearly 35 per
cent of the total population in Sri Lanka despite being the smallest province
in physical size.
Further, uneven
distribution of economic activities also could generates negative
inter—temporal consequences such as perpetuating poverty and inequality over
the years. People living in peripheries find it hard to get out of poverty
given the limited economic opportunities available around them and same
prospects for their kids lead to wide spread frustration in the society. On the
ground of social justice, it is required that people of all social strata
receive the benefits of development. Similarly there are a number of other
reasons which justify the presence of relatively less development disparities
within and between regions.
Causes
for regional disparities?
Regional development
literature provides several theoretical models in explaining why some regions
grow faster than the others. Neoclassical schools argue that level of
development in a particular region depends on the decisions made by firms with
respect to locating their business activities. According to many businesses
want to locate closer to their customers because it enable them to reduce
transport costs. Many firms want to locate closers to the commercial and
administrative centers since such presence reduce their transaction costs and
other type of costs. These decisions result that firms concentrate closer to
the capital city thereby witnessing a rapid growth of economic activities
around it. The Western province has a number of advantages which attract both
physical and human capital thereby growing faster than other regions. However,
neoclassical models argue that there is an economic convergence over the time
thereby witnessing the spread of economic activities to the areas which
initially at a dis-advantage position in attracting both physical and human
capital for growth. Firms facing higher costs in urban centers may move to
areas where costs of production are relatively low. As a result, theory argues,
over long-run, economic convergence would take place.
However, the
convergence notion of neoclassical economists has been challenged on several
grounds. It is argued that most of lagging regions do not have necessary
institutions to initiate economic activities and political economy factors
disturb even some of the small scale attempt to breeding economic activities in
those regions. Moreover, through the process of cumulative causation, any
positive convergence effect is disturbed by the outflow of both physical and
human capital from those lagging regions to well-developed regions. It is rare
that firms locating in rural underdeveloped areas reinvest their profits in
those areas and educated young people want to stay and work in those regions.
In majority of cases, we could see the flow of profits and educated youth to
urban centers thereby accelerating the process of economic growth in those
centers.
Conclusion
Even though Sri Lanka
marginally witnessed some convergence of economic activities in recent years,
it is not clear to what extent it could be sustained given a greater part of
regional economic acceleration is due to public funded investment projects and
other public service provisions. As pointed out in a previous article, both
local and foreign investments have largely confined to the Western province.
International migration and internal migration related remittances have become
the bread-winner of the regional economies. Hence, it is imperative to launch a
concerted effort give birth to private sector led economic activities in underdeveloped
regions. Many governments, including the presence one, made several attempts at
conceiving economic activities in under-developed regions, but progress has so
far been limited.
Development means,
according to AmartyaSen, the expansion of real freedom. It should consist of
three core values; namely (a) ability to meet basic needs, (b) self-esteem (ability
to choose), (c) ability to be mobile. If we go by this definition, today only a
small fraction of this society enjoys the development. A large number of people
fall short of meeting the second and third dimension whereas around 10 per cent
of the total population is deprived of all three core components of
development. Development is not about numbers, it is about the expansion of
real freedom. More specifically, it is about the status in which a person could
lead a kind of a life that he or she has reasons to value. Time is right for
policy makers to broaden their perspective rather than merely chasing behind
GDP targets.
Table 01: Economic Performance by Provinces
|
|||||||||||
Year
|
Sector
|
Western
|
Southern
|
Sabaragamuwa
|
Central
|
Uva
|
Eastern
|
North-Western
|
Northern Central
|
Northern
|
All island
|
2004
|
Sectoral output share
|
||||||||||
Agriculture
|
0.03
|
0.36
|
0.28
|
0.33
|
0.53
|
0.33
|
0.23
|
0.43
|
0.28
|
0.18
|
|
Industry
|
0.32
|
0.20
|
0.30
|
0.17
|
0.09
|
0.28
|
0.31
|
0.08
|
0.07
|
0.27
|
|
Services
|
0.65
|
0.44
|
0.42
|
0.50
|
0.38
|
0.39
|
0.47
|
0.49
|
0.65
|
0.55
|
|
Provincial GDP share
|
0.51
|
0.09
|
0.06
|
0.09
|
0.04
|
0.05
|
0.08
|
0.04
|
0.03
|
1.00
|
|
Provincial Per capita
GDP Ratio
|
1.80
|
0.77
|
0.68
|
0.68
|
0.66
|
0.69
|
0.75
|
0.62
|
0.50
|
1.00
|
|
2008
|
Sectoral output share
|
||||||||||
Agriculture
|
0.03
|
0.17
|
0.22
|
0.21
|
0.32
|
0.22
|
0.19
|
0.30
|
0.20
|
0.13
|
|
Industry
|
0.32
|
0.30
|
0.28
|
0.28
|
0.21
|
0.35
|
0.32
|
0.21
|
0.08
|
0.29
|
|
Services
|
0.65
|
0.53
|
0.50
|
0.51
|
0.47
|
0.43
|
0.49
|
0.48
|
0.72
|
0.57
|
|
Provincial GDP share
|
0.45
|
0.11
|
0.06
|
0.10
|
0.05
|
0.05
|
0.10
|
0.05
|
0.03
|
1.00
|
|
Provincial Per capita
GDP Ratio
|
1.59
|
0.88
|
0.68
|
0.76
|
0.72
|
0.73
|
0.88
|
0.78
|
0.50
|
1.00
|
|
2012
|
Sectoral output share
|
||||||||||
Agriculture
|
0.03
|
0.13
|
0.18
|
0.16
|
0.27
|
0.19
|
0.15
|
0.21
|
0.20
|
0.11
|
|
Industry
|
0.35
|
0.34
|
0.27
|
0.29
|
0.23
|
0.29
|
0.30
|
0.25
|
0.24
|
0.32
|
|
Services
|
0.62
|
0.53
|
0.55
|
0.55
|
0.49
|
0.52
|
0.55
|
0.54
|
0.57
|
0.57
|
|
Provincial GDP share
|
0.43
|
0.11
|
0.06
|
0.10
|
0.05
|
0.06
|
0.10
|
0.05
|
0.04
|
1.00
|
|
Provincial Per capita
GDP Ratio
|
1.51
|
0.95
|
0.65
|
0.78
|
0.73
|
0.82
|
0.82
|
0.75
|
0.77
|
1.00
|